One
We have a complex emotional barrier towards the Qing Dynasty. I remember when I was very young, my history teacher would get teary-eyed when talking about "The Ten Days of Yangzhou" and "The Three Massacres of Jiading", which marked the beginning of the Qing Dynasty; and again when talking about "The Burning of the Summer Palace" and "The Hundred Days' Reform", which marked its end. The elderly teacher would cry, and we children would follow suit. The history of the Qing Dynasty was the only course in elementary school that was taught with tears. The resentment sown from a young age is hard to dispel.
The tears of the elderly and the children are mixed together, giving this historical emotion a most worldly power. My elementary school classmates were all Han Chinese, without any Manchu people. Therefore, it was easy to acquire a common language in class, as if the Han Chinese were naturally the rulers of China, why did you Manchu people come to seize power? If you could make it better by seizing power, it would be fine, but instead, things got worse and worse, and finally, foreigners almost divided us up. So, in the sparkling tears, we understood what a traitor is, what a national thief is, what national righteousness is, and what dignity is. We also seemed to know that the reason why China fell behind the world powers was mainly due to the corruption and incompetence of the Qing dynasty in its later period, and the enlighteners of the Xinhai Revolution rekindled the Han people's hatred for this Qing dynasty, putting forward the slogan "Drive out the Tartars, restore China", how necessary it is, how relieving. The Qing dynasty was finally overthrown, but until today, it still exists in the hearts of many Chinese people as a kind of unjust existence.
As I grew older, I began to be vigilant about this emotion. Because countless facts have proven that in our China, many emotionalized social judgment norms, although they have been passed down for a long time with grandeur, contain great injustice. We lack the universal value enlightenment of human beings, so these emotionalized social judgment norms are mostly derived from feudal orthodox ideas and have a large blind spot. First, there is the theory of surname orthodoxy, Liu Han, Li Tang, Zhao Song, Zhu Ming... In the same surname series, the successors who appeared in the transmission sequence, even if they were foolish kings, cowards, lustful ghosts, money slaves, or mentally ill people, are all legitimate and reasonable; while outsiders with other surnames, even if they have a thousand or ten thousand reasons, cannot stand firm. The distinction between true and false, right and wrong, loyalty and treachery is all based on this. From the theory of surname orthodoxy to the expansion of national orthodoxy, this idea is much more complicated than the theory of surname orthodoxy. You can see that the pioneers of the Xinhai Revolution were incompatible with the feudalistic theory of surname orthodoxy, but they also needed to loudly proclaim the theory of national orthodoxy, which is an example.
The Han people are of course great, and there is no reason for them to be slaughtered and bullied by other ethnic groups. The problem is that this cannot be used to equate the Han people with China, and to put all the justice, glory, and hope of Chinese history on the side of the Han people. Like other ethnic groups, the Han people also have a lot of filth, darkness, and ugliness, and their rulers have repeatedly pushed the entire Chinese history into a dead end. In this case, history may make choices that transcend the orthodox theory of the Han people, and these choices are not necessarily retrogressive.
For this, I want to write about the Summer Resort of Chengde. The historical materials of the Qing Dynasty are tied up in bundles, let's leave them to historians, we just need to quietly sneak into this summer villa and take a few glances.
Two
The Summer Resort of Chengde is a royal garden of the Qing Dynasty, also known as "Rehe Imperial Palace" and "Chengde Villa". Although it has been famous for centuries, it has long been a forbidden park, located in a remote area, and few people have visited. When I went there, I found an inn behind the villa to stay. At that time, it was just dusk, and I walked out of the gate alone, staring at the dark mountains in front of me. According to the map, this mountain range is the last screen of the northern part of the Summer Resort, like the back of a rattan chair. On this rattan chair, a tired dynasty had rested.
It is strange that the whole map of China has already belonged to this dynasty, why put this resting chair outside the Great Wall? What were the emperors of the Qing Dynasty thinking about when they sat on this chair facing south?
The moon rose, and the mountain wall in front of me looked even more majestic. The Forbidden City in Beijing mixed together several different dynasties, and no one's image was clear; but here, far away, quietly, purely, and stealthily, it hid a Qing dynasty that had escaped the Central Plains' imperial aura. It really made me feel a huge temptation, and from the second day on, I buried myself in the mountain villa.
The mountain villa is very large, originally thought that the Summer Palace in Beijing was already big enough to make people amazed, but it is actually twice as large as the Summer Palace. It is said that it can accommodate eight or nine Beihai Parks without any problem. I couldn't think of any other classical garden in China that can compare with this one. Inside the villa, except for the front half which has layers and layers of palaces, there are open lake areas, plains, and mountainous regions. Especially the mountainous region, which occupies almost 80% of the entire villa, makes people who are used to visiting other gardens feel very uncomfortable. Gardens are meant for leisure, especially royal gardens, most of them pursue convenience and comfort, some may also pile up a few small hills to decorate. Who would have thought that this place actually encloses a vast and majestic mountain range just for entertainment? This layout contains an aesthetic concept and philosophy of life that requires us to look up and ponder, and bow our heads in contemplation.
In the mountain villa, there are many couplets and stone tablets, most of which were written by emperors themselves. They could not have imagined that after many years, strangers like us would break into their private gardens to read these words. These words were written for their descendants to see. I stepped on the moss and weeds, identifying and interpreting all the texts I could find, even the stone tablets hidden in the mountains and forests. Along the way, I can confidently say that the construction of the mountain villa is entirely the result of a statesman's spiritual strength.
First of all, it was Kangxi. He had taken a difficult and successful long journey to get to the villa, and he came here to catch his breath, as he should.
All the hardships in his life were sought by himself. His ancestors had already laid a solid foundation for him, and he was only eight years old when he ascended to the throne, fourteen years old when he took power, and at such a young age, he could have just enjoyed the fruits of his labor. What could he do in front of such vast territory and prosperous momentum? His immature eyes, however, suspiciously stared at two huge objects: one was Ao Bai, the most powerful assistant minister in the court, and the other was Wu Sangui, who had led the Qing army into the pass and was proud of his contribution. To be fair, how many people could make up their minds to take action against such important political forces that were closely related to their ancestors and parents? But Kangxi challenged them, as well as himself. At sixteen, he cleanly eliminated the Ao Bai group, and at twenty, he began to wage war against Wu Sangui, taking eight years of fighting to achieve a thorough victory.
He was equivalent to reorganizing the Jiangshan he had obtained, making himself from an heir to a pioneer. He matured and almost no opponent could be found in front of him, but he still often rode his horse, wandering between the mountains, forests and grasslands in northern China, where his ancestors rose, and he was looking for the fulcrum of his life and career.
He had to pass by the Great Wall every time. The Great Wall has been neglected for many years and is now in disrepair. Facing this wall that emperors of past dynasties cared about so much, he thought a lot. His ancestors broke through the Great Wall to enter, and without Wu Sangui, they would have entered anyway, so what was the use of the Great Wall? A mighty imperial court, could it rely on these bricks for defense? But if there were no Great Wall, where would our defensive line be? The result of his thinking can be seen from a decree he issued in 1691.
In May of that year, the General of Gubeikou, Cai Yuan, proposed to the imperial court that the section of the Great Wall under his jurisdiction had "collapsed in many places, and requested repairs". However, Kangxi disagreed, and his edict read:
Since the Qin Dynasty built the Great Wall, the Han, Tang and Song Dynasties also often repaired it. At that time, were there no border troubles? In the late Ming Dynasty, our Taizu led a large army to march straight in, all roads collapsed, and none could withstand it. It can be seen that the way to defend a country lies only in cultivating virtues and pacifying the people. When the people's hearts are delighted, the foundation of the state is established, and the borders are naturally solidified. This is what is called "the unity of the people forms a fortress". For example, the ancient northern region and the Jifengkou area, I have all inspected them, and most of them are damaged. Now if we want to repair it, we will have to mobilize labor and expend resources, how can we avoid harming the common people? Moreover, the Great Wall stretches for thousands of miles, how many soldiers would be needed to guard it?
What you said is really reasonable.
Kangxi hoped to build an invisible Great Wall. For this, he had a hard hand and a soft hand. The hard hand was to set up the "Mulan Weichang" outside the Great Wall, where every autumn, the emperor would personally lead the princes, ministers, and soldiers to conduct large-scale "hunting", which was actually a grand military exercise. This could not only make the princes and ministers maintain their brave and strong style, but also have a deterrent effect on the northern border. Since the "Mulan Weichang" was set up in a remote area outside the Great Wall, far from Beijing, it was necessary to build some large and small palaces for the many court officials who went there for autumn hunting, and the Chengde Mountain Resort was the largest one.
One hand of the soft approach was to establish a frequent and friendly relationship with various ethnic minorities in the northern border areas, so that their leaders did not have to travel long distances to Beijing to have a place to interact with the Qing court. Moreover, they also prepared religious venues for them, which required the Rehe Summer Resort and the surrounding temple complex.
In short, the soft and hard means all gathered in this imperial palace, this mountain villa. It was said to be a summer resort, a place for rest, but its significance went far beyond that. To transform complex political purposes into a quiet and elegant garden, a circle of incense-filled temples, is indeed one of Kangxi's great skills.
Kangxi almost every year after the autumnal equinox would go to "Mulan Weichang" to participate in a twenty-day autumn hunt, and throughout his life he participated forty-eight times. Each time the hunting scene was extremely grand. First, Kangxi would select the area for the annual rotating hunt, then more than 170 large tents would be set up as the "inner city", and more than 250 large tents would be set up as the "outer city", with guards stationed outside the city. The next day at dawn, the Eight Banners troops would gather under the emperor's unified command. Under the thunderous shouting of tens of thousands of soldiers, Kangxi would lead the charge on horseback, drawing his bow to hunt, and every time he hit a target it would bring forth cheers. Then, the accompanying ministers and various levels of officers would also follow Kangxi in hunting.
Kangxi was strong and robust, skilled in horsemanship, and intelligent and brave when hunting, his archery skills left the princes and ministers in awe, so he personally obtained many spoils.
At night, the camp was filled with bonfires everywhere, meat fragrance wafted, people laughed and horses neighed, while Kangxi still had to return to his tent to review the memorials and documents that were rushed over every day.
Kangxi had fought many famous battles in his life, but in his later years, he was most proud of his own hunting achievements, as this was a pure test of his personal vitality. In 1719, after Kangxi returned from the "Mulan Hunting Ground" to the Summer Palace, he excitedly told the imperial guards:
I have shot 135 tigers, 20 bears, 25 leopards, 10 lynxes, 14 deer, 96 wolves, and 132 wild boars with my bird gun and bow. I have also obtained hundreds of deer by driving them into enclosures. As for other animals hunted in the enclosure, there are too many to count. One day, I shot 318 hares, a number that ordinary people cannot achieve in their lifetime.
He said it with great relish, and we read it with equal delight. Physical strength and mental strength are closely linked; after all, Chinese history is full of sickly emperors who, no matter how "refined" they were, could hardly cope with such a vast country.
Thanks to his robust health, he had enough energy to handle complex Tibetan and Mongolian affairs, solve major problems such as governing the Yellow River, Huai River and dredging the Grand Canal, and achieved great success, benefiting future generations. Thanks to his robust health, he was also willing to study diligently, resulting in not only being a top-notch martial artist, but also having excellent literary skills, becoming one of the most learned emperors in Chinese history who particularly valued learning.
Who would have thought that this Qing emperor loved Han traditional culture more than the emperors of the Ming dynasty? He had worked hard on classics, history, philosophy, poetry, books, and music. Among them, he studied Zhu Xi's philosophy most deeply. He personally reviewed and annotated "The Outline of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government", and ordered the collection and compilation of rare books scattered among the people, organizing a large-scale editorial team to publish the voluminous "Complete Collection of Books and Illustrations Ancient and Modern" and dictionaries. The cultural atmosphere was overwhelming. Under his advocacy, a large number of outstanding historians and literary experts emerged. In this regard, few dynasties can be compared with the Kangxi era.
What was said above is only what we call "national studies", but what may be even more astonishing to modern readers is his "Western studies". Because even in modern times, in our impression, national studies and Western studies can communicate with each other, but there are not many people who have a deep understanding of both. However, as early as 300 years ago, Emperor Kangxi seriously studied Euclid's geometry in the Forbidden City in Beijing and the Summer Palace in Chengde, often doing math exercises, and learned French mathematician Batty's "Practical and Theoretical Geometry" and compared it with Euclid's geometry. His teachers were a group of Western missionaries who came to China at that time, but later his calculations were faster than those of the missionaries. Based on mathematics, Kangxi further studied Western astronomy, calendar, physics, medicine, and compared them with China's original knowledge in these areas, taking the strengths and weaknesses of each. In natural science issues, Chinese officials and foreign missionaries often had conflicts, but Kangxi never favored Chinese officials or made subjective judgments, instead relying on his own serious studies, almost every time making a fair judgment.
All of this, surprisingly, does not contradict his beloved "national studies", nor does it contradict the fact that he hunted 318 wild rabbits in one day, nor does it contradict a series of major political actions, military actions, and economic actions!
I don't think Kangxi brought fundamental hope to China, and his regime also did many bad things, such as the notorious literary inquisition. What I want to say is that among the emperors of all dynasties in China, this emperor from a minority ethnic group has an unusually strong vitality, and his personality is relatively healthy.
Sometimes, a person's vitality and personality can leave a deep mark on history. In comparison, many emperors of the Ming Dynasty lived in a way that was not worthy of their position, as Lu Xun called them "good-for-nothing young masters", which is indeed apt. Especially infuriating is the case of the Wanli Emperor (Shenzong) of the Ming Dynasty
Zhu Yijun, who reigned for 48 years and held personal power for 38 years, spent 25 years hiding in the depths of the palace without showing his face to outsiders, completely ignoring state affairs. Even the chief minister of the cabinet couldn't see him, and no one knew what he was doing. He accumulated a vast amount of gold and silver, but when Liaodong rebelled and the court was at a loss for what to do, he refused to take out any money, finally producing only a small, useless sum, which turned out to be silver that had been stored away for too long and had become blackened, moldy, and corroded. This is a person who has lost all sense of dignity and is psychologically abnormal, but he still holds absolute power, so how can the Ming dynasty not collapse? After his death, there were still descendants who succeeded him, but the Ming dynasty was already doomed by his hand. Kangxi was the exact opposite, releasing life from the depths of the palace to roam freely in the wilderness, hunting grounds, and various fields of knowledge, with the Summer Palace being an important place for him to unwind and express himself.
Three
The contrast between Kangxi and the late Ming emperors, the contrast between the Summer Palace and Wanli's deep palace, the Han intellectuals at that time also felt it, with a more complex mood.
At the beginning, most Han intellectuals insisted on resisting the Qing and restoring the Ming, even after the brave warriors had turned their heads. A group of weak scholars still refused to surrender. Among the scholars, there were also some famous turncoats, but they often suffered from deep psychological conflicts and spiritual pain.
I think this is the power of culture. All military struggles are superficial, and things only become serious when they shake a certain cultural ecosystem.
A nation, a country, an ethnic group, its ultimate significance is not military, geographical, or political, but cultural. At that time, several major anti-Qing events in the Jiangnan region originated from the "shaving hair" issue, where Han people had traditionally tied their hair while Qing people forced them to shave it, even to the point of "keeping one's head but not one's hair, keeping one's hair but not one's head". The hairstyle seems trivial, but it is related to cultural ecology. As a result, whether or not to "destroy my attire" became the highest outbreak point of the "barbarian-Chinese struggle".
Among them, the cultural people who can best connect things with the entire cultural system are the most knowledgeable about the difference between civilization and barbarism, and also link "Tartar" with barbarism. The common people's hair was finally shaved off, but many scholars still insisted on it to the death. The famous scholar Liu Zongzhou lived in Hangzhou and starved himself to death after the Qing army entered Hangzhou; his student, another famous scholar Huang Zongxi, joined the armed resistance against the Qing, and after failing, he returned to his hometown of Yuyao to serve his mother and write books. Another famous scholar, Gu Yanwu, began wandering after the failure of the armed resistance against the Qing, and no one could find him until he finally died in Shaanxi... These masters were so tough, and their students and admirers naturally followed suit.
However, things changed subtly when it came to Kangxi. The literati still looked at the court with cold eyes like the bald eagles under Zhu Da's brush, with a "heaven and earth chilling" gaze. But the court strangely showed an irrepressible enthusiasm for Han culture. At first, everyone thought it was a strategy to win people over, but looking at Kangxi, it seemed not entirely so.
He was eager to issue an order to all officials to recommend scholars with "excellent learning and outstanding literature" to the imperial court, who would be personally examined and appointed by him, known as the "Bo Xue Hong Ci Ke".
This time, a total of 143 people were recommended and recruited, and five were admitted later. Among them, Fu Shan, Li Song and others were recommended but refused to take the exam even if they died. After being recommended, Fu Shan was forcibly taken to Beijing, where he saw the three characters "Da Qing Men" and fell to the ground, tears streaming down his face. Despite such behavior, Kangxi not only did not blame him but also exempted him from taking the exam and appointed him as a "Zhongshu Sheren". After returning to his hometown, he did not allow others to call him "Zhongshu Sheren", but at this time, it can be said that he had no great hatred for Kangxi himself.
Li Tong was also recommended, but he feigned illness and refused to take the exam. He was carried to the provincial capital, where he went on a hunger strike in protest. The officials had no choice but to give up. This incident occurred in the 17th year of Kangxi's reign, when Kangxi was 25 years old. Twenty-five years later, when Kangxi was over 50 and touring the western regions, he still remembered this stubborn scholar and wanted to summon him. Li Tong did not respond to the summons, but his heart had already softened somewhat, so he sent his son Li Shenyan as a representative to meet with Kangxi and presented his two works, "Four Books of Self-Reflection" and "Two Quatrains", to Kangxi. This incident had a certain symbolic significance, indicating that even the most resistant Han Chinese intellectuals were beginning to reconcile with Kangxi.
Compared to Li Yu, Huang Zongxi was a big shot. The Kangxi Emperor treated Huang Zongxi with even greater courtesy and respect, repeatedly inviting him to come out of retirement without success. He then ordered the local governor to go to Huang's home, carefully copy his writings, and send them to the palace for his own reading pleasure. This move also touched Huang Zongxi's heart. Like Li Yu, he found it inconvenient to appear in person, so he let his son, Huang Baijia, enter the imperial historical department to help complete the task of compiling the "Ming History" entrusted by Kangxi. You see, even those who were originally at odds with the Qing court, such as Huang Zongxi and Li Yu, felt that their sons could live a good life under Kangxi's rule. This was not betrayal or compromise, but a kind of cultural ecological recognition. Since Kangxi identified with Han culture so sincerely, why couldn't Han scholars identify with him?
Wasn't Huang Zongxi allowed to let his son participate in the compilation of "Ming History" ordered by Kangxi? The compilation of "Ming History" had a significant impact on the Han Chinese intellectual circle. Kangxi appointed great historians such as Xu Yuanwen, Wan Sitong, Zhang Yushu, and Wang Hongxu to be responsible for this matter, asking them to compile according to the "Ming Shilu" and write down the facts as they were. He also repeatedly asked everyone to carefully study the lessons of the late Ming dynasty's defeat and take it as a warning. The Han Chinese intellectual circle wanted to restore the Ming dynasty, but the Qing court monarch actually personally led the Han Chinese historians in calmly studying the Ming dynasty. This kind of research was even higher than the thinking level of those who wanted to restore the Ming dynasty, so the confrontation would gradually dissolve. "Ming History" later became one of the better-written histories among the 24 Histories, which is still a fact that needs to be acknowledged today.
Of course, there were still a few scholars who persisted in not recognizing it. For example, during the Kangxi period, there was a scholar named Lü Liuliang in Zhejiang Province, who repeatedly emphasized in his writings and teachings that the essence of Confucius' thought was "respecting the king and expelling the barbarians". This phrase was seen by a failed scholar named Zeng Jing from Hunan after Lü's death, which greatly excited him. He rushed to Zhejiang to find Lü Liuliang's son and several students, planning to revolt against the Qing dynasty.
At this time, Kangxi had long since passed away, and it was already the Yongzheng era. This group of scholars didn't have a single soldier under their command, what could they possibly accomplish? They found out that the Governor-General of Sichuan and Shaanxi, Yue Zhongqi, was a descendant of Yue Fei, so they thought he would definitely be able to inherit Yue Fei's legacy and resist the foreign invaders. They sent someone to deliver a letter to him, begging him to start an uprising.
It's almost laughable to talk about this now. From the time of Yue Fei's resistance against the Jin dynasty, it had been through an entire Yuan dynasty and an entire Ming dynasty, and the Qing dynasty was already 80 or 90 years old, which made it a matter of many generations ago for Yue Zhongqi, yet they still wanted him to rise up with just one "Yue" character, this is where the foolishness and naivety of Chinese scholars lies.
Yue Zhongqi was a high-ranking official of the Qing dynasty, who never thought of rebelling against the Qing even in his dreams. After receiving the letter, he hypocritically responded and naturally reported it to Emperor Yongzheng. Yongzheng ordered the arrest of this rebellious group and personally reviewed their letters and writings, feeling that many of their views needed to be refuted through his own writings with Han Chinese intellectuals. He believed that after the reign of Kangxi, there were already enough facts to prove that the Qing rulers were not inferior, so why did people still want to resist the Qing court? Therefore, the emperor personally compiled a book called "The Record of Awakening from Delusion" and distributed it to various places, and specially pardoned the death penalty for those who had been involved in the incident, such as Zeng Jing, allowing them to go to Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces to preach.
The Yongzheng Emperor's "Dayi Jue Ming Lu" is quite sincere. His main idea is: Yes, we are barbarians, we are "foreigners", but this is just a matter of origin, heaven's will has us come to nurture the people of the Central Plains, why do those who have been nurtured still want to distinguish between Hua and Yi? The Shun you respect is from the Eastern Barbarians, King Wen is from the Western Barbarians, does this harm their sacred virtues? People like Lu Liuliang who write books and make speeches, hiding and slandering the literary and military achievements of the previous dynasty's Kangxi Emperor, are really only venting private grievances without regard for the people's livelihoods or national fortunes. Foreigners ruling the Central Plains may be more courageous in doing good, if those who write books and make speeches think that rulers born in the Central Plains do not need to cultivate virtues and benevolence to enjoy fame, while foreign rulers cannot get praise even if they strive to govern well, will the hearts of foreign rulers for goodness not also become lazy? Who suffers in the end but the people of the Central Plains?
Yongzheng's words were tinged with obvious resentment and a sense of injustice towards his father Kangxi, and there were indeed some moving parts. However, his overall thinking was clearly inferior to that of Kangxi, repeatedly referring to himself as an "outsider" or "barbarian", complicating things on certain preconceived notions. His son Qianlong recognized this flaw, and after ascending the throne, he recalled all copies of "The Record of Great Righteousness Awakening from Delusion", listing it as a banned book, executing people like Zeng Jing who had been pardoned by Yongzheng, and beginning a large-scale literary inquisition.
Apart from the sensitive issue of distinguishing between Chinese and barbarians, Yongzheng was relatively tolerant and had a sense of proportion, listening to the sharp opinions and suggestions of loyal ministers and wise scholars. Therefore, in the early period of his reign, he did many good things, and the country's fortunes could be said to have prospered. As a result, even if there were some Han Chinese intellectuals who harbored dissenting thoughts, they didn't dare to have any ideas, and later on, they really didn't have any ideas either. In fact, people like this had already become hard to find; both Yongzheng and Qianlong had overdone it with their writings. Truly first-rate scholars in the Qianlong era no longer wanted to do anything about restoring the Ming dynasty.
Qianlong relied on his talent and intelligence, relying on the solid foundation laid by Kangxi and Yongzheng, as well as his own strategic genius, to become the most fortunate emperor in Chinese history. He visited the Chengde Summer Resort the most frequently, staying for a long time, leaving behind many traces. Qianlong also often participated in the "Mulan Autumn Hunt", personally shooting and obtaining impressive prey, but his main focus was on border wars, with many stele inscriptions recording these military achievements in the Summer Resort and surrounding Outer Eight Temples.
This conquest did not conflict with the interests of the Han Chinese, but rather promoted China's national prestige, and even the Han Chinese intellectuals took pride in it, and Qianlong could be considered a sage ruler of the Huaxia. However, after carefully reading the inscription, I had a strong feeling: some wars were unavoidable, and fighting was acceptable, but the necessity of most wars is highly questionable - did they need to fight on such a large scale? Did they need to repeat it so many times? Did they need to kill with such cruelty?
The complacent Qianlong had his so-called "Ten Complete Martial Arts" carved in the Summer Palace, where he indulged in self-admiration, filling the palace with a stifling and ominous atmosphere. After the confrontation between Manchu and Han cultures had basically come to an end, what pervaded here was the self-satisfied mood of the Chinese Empire.
On September 14, 1793, a British delegation arrived at the Summer Palace, and Qianlong welcomed them with a grand banquet. He also hosted a large-scale song and dance performance and fireworks display in the Wan Shu Yuan garden of the palace, making the Summer Palace lively. The British side hoped that Qianlong would agree to their request to station an ambassador in Beijing, set up a foreign trade office in Beijing, open China's trade ports, allocate some land near Guangzhou for British merchants to live on, and grant preferential tax exemptions or reductions for British goods transported from Guangzhou to Macau. Originally, this was something that could be negotiated, but for Qianlong, who lived in the Summer Palace and had always liked to show off China's military might throughout his life, there was no possibility of negotiation.
He wrote a letter to the British king, titled " Imperial Edict to the King of England". The letter refused all requests, saying: "The heavenly dynasty's territory is clearly demarcated, including islands and sandbars, which must be divided and each have their own boundaries", "There has never been a case of foreigners setting up trade in Beijing", "This does not conform to the heavenly dynasty's system and absolutely cannot be done". Some people today believe that these words are filled with patriotic grandeur and cannot be compared to the traitorous treaties signed by the Qing court later on. I really dare not agree with this view.
The Kangxi Emperor had originally opened up the maritime trade in 1684, setting up four customs offices in Guangdong, Fujian, Zhejiang and Jiangsu to welcome foreign merchants. More than seventy years later, however, the Qianlong Emperor reversed this policy, closing all other ports and only allowing foreigners to trade in Canton (Guangzhou). Foreigners in Canton were also subject to many ridiculous restrictions, such as being forbidden from learning Chinese, buying Chinese books, riding sedan chairs or bringing their wives with them. We can easily imagine what kind of mentality the Qing court had when it made these rules for foreigners.
Kangxi learned Western natural science from missionaries and had a good relationship with them, while Qianlong banned Catholicism.
Qianlong's loud and clear words in the Summer Palace, rebuking foreign monarchs, were not pleasant to the ears of the old man of history. This garden had already mixed with a certain ominous sign.
Four
I was at the Shuangyun Gorge in the Mountain Villa, west of the Qianlong Stele, where I read a poem written by Jiaqing, his son. After ascending to the throne and passing through this place, Jiaqing couldn't help but let out a long sigh upon seeing his father's proudly displayed poems: "Father's poems are indeed profound, while I, as his son, truly feel that the burden on my shoulders is too heavy!" ("Gazing at the inscriptions, I find them to be profound and abstruse; holding the position, I feel the weight of responsibility")
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Jiaqing spent his whole life facing internal and external troubles, and finally died inexplicably at the Summer Palace.
The Daoguang Emperor was nearly forty years old when he succeeded the Jiaqing Emperor, with no particular talent, only knowing hardship and simplicity, wearing trousers that had been patched. This is not a good story for a head of state. The ministers in the court competed to imitate him, wearing tattered clothes to court, at a glance, this court had little prestige left.
His father died in the Summer Palace, and Daoguang, who was timid, did not want to go there either, leaving it empty for decades. Sometimes he thought that he should also go hunting like his ancestors, to see if he could get to "Mulan Weichang" without passing through the Summer Palace, but was told that there was no other road, so he didn't go hunting either. An emperor as pitiful as him seemed to have no fate with the palace and hunting; the Opium War had already broken out, and his worried gaze could only stare at the south.
The Summer Palace was closed until September 1860, when an order was suddenly received that the Xianfeng Emperor would be arriving, and it should be quickly cleaned up. The Xianfeng Emperor brought a particularly large amount of silver this time, as he had come to escape the war, with the Anglo-French army threatening Beijing. This time, the Xianfeng Emperor did not leave, wandering around east and west, grateful that his ancestors had left him such a good place to hide. He also approved several humiliating treaties here, but still did not leave after signing them, until he died on July 17, 1861, having lived there for almost a year.
Xianfeng died, and the Summer Palace was bustling for many days. Various political forces were vying around the body in an open and secret struggle. A plan of action known as the "Xin You Coup" by historians was drawn up in several rooms of the palace. Then, Xianfeng's coffin was transported to Beijing, and the newly enthroned young emperor also set out, with great fanfare. The gate of the Summer Palace was once again tightly closed. And among this grand procession, a 27-year-old woman soon emerged, who would rule China for decades.
She was Cixi, and after leaving the villa, she never came back. Soon she issued another order, saying that the Rehe Summer Resort Villa had not been used for decades, many temples and palaces had collapsed, only slightly repaired when Emperor Xianfeng went there, now Xianfeng has passed away, everyone has left, "All engineering work in Rehe is to be stopped immediately".
This order, together with Kangxi's edict not to repair the Great Wall, shines brightly. Kangxi's "Great Wall" has finally collapsed, wild grass is desolate and confused, dusk crows fly back, old walls are mottled, moss is everywhere, but the gate is tightly closed.
Confined were those palaces and houses, but also confined were the lush mountains and sparkling waters. In Kangxi's eyes, this was his ideal Qing dynasty, but the Qing dynasty had abandoned it. The abandoned place was pitiful, but the Qing dynasty that abandoned it was even more pitiful, unable to even sit on a Luo circle chair, lost and disheartened, losing its soul.
Later, Cixi rebuilt a Yiheyuan in Beijing, "confronting" the Summer Palace. The gardens beyond the Great Wall would no longer have the ability and interest to confront each other, it seems to belong to another era. The heroic spirit of Rehe had long been scattered, and the Qing dynasty was henceforth gloomy and full of inferiority.
When a new century arrived, a large group of Han intellectuals issued a devastating condemnation to this regime. The Summer Palace, at that time, was an evil symbol, hiding far away, trying not to be discovered.
Five
After the fall of the Qing Dynasty, society was in turmoil and the world was in chaos. It wasn't until June 2, 1927, when Mr. Wang Guowei, a university scholar, drowned himself in the Yiheyuan Garden, that people all over the country were shocked into solemn reflection.
The cause of Mr. Wang Guowei's death is much talked about, but let's not bother with it; all we know is that this great master of Han culture, dragging along a queue from the Qing dynasty, took his own life in the imperial garden of the Qing dynasty, leaving behind a will that read: "At fifty years old, I owe only one death; having gone through this world change, there is no more shame to endure."
He wouldn't be unaware that during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, the controversy over whether to wear a queue or not had led to astonishing bloodshed among Han people. He wouldn't be unaware of the heroic deeds of scholars like Liu Zongzhou, Huang Zongxi, and Gu Yanwu. And he would be even more aware that according to the course of world history, great social changes are inevitable. Yet, he still died.
I agree with Mr. Chen Yinque's statement that Mr. Wang Guowei did not die from political struggle or personal disputes, but died from a kind of culture:
When a culture is in decline, those who are imbued with it will inevitably feel pain. The greater the manifestation of this culture, the more severe the pain they experience; until it reaches an extreme degree, where one can only seek solace in death to find peace and fulfill one's duty.
Mr. Wang Guantang's Elegy and Preface
Mr. Wang Guowei was unable to separate culture from the Qing court. In his bookshelves, "The Complete Collection of Ancient and Modern Books", "Kangxi Dictionary", "Complete Library of the Four Treasuries", "Dream of the Red Chamber", "Peach Blossom Fan", "Longevity Temple", Qianjia School, Nalan Xingde were all in sight. Every book, every page was inseparable. In his view, what perished around him was not only a political era but also a classical cultural era.
He just wants to stay in classical times.
We remember that under Kangxi, the high-level intellectuals of the Han nationality had begun to establish cultural identity with the imperial court after intense psychological struggle. Unexpectedly, after Kangxi's career was defeated, the cultural identity did not dissipate. For this reason, Mr. Wang Guowei, who was broad-minded and erudite, had to sacrifice his life for it. He didn't find hope in the midst of psychological struggle, and died a regrettable yet inevitable death.
Intellectuals are always extraordinary, they must show long-lasting cultural resilience after the turmoil of politics and military. Culture has become their life, and they can only embrace culture with their lives, there is no other way. It was like this after the end of the Ming dynasty, and it was also like this after the end of the Qing dynasty.
The extreme fragility and strength of culture are both fully revealed in the sound of Mr. Wang Guowei's plunge into the water.
Mr. Wang Guowei went to the Summer Palace for the first time, and he borrowed five yuan from a colleague to go there. The ticket price of the Summer Palace was 60 cents, and after his death, there were still four yuan and 40 cents left in his pocket. He couldn't go to Chengde, nor could he push open the tightly closed gate of the villa.
Today, I stand facing the clear lake water of the Summer Palace, but can't help thinking of Mr. Wang Guowei's face and figure. I softly sigh: A dynasty that has weathered hundreds of years always begins with a group of strong and heroic figures, yet it is often ended by some refined and elegant, yet sorrowful souls.
Autumn rain
This article was published in 1993 and later considered by the Chinese critics as the pioneering work of all "Palace TV series". The "Palace TV series" is not bad, but its overall historical view has a big difference with mine. My views on the Qing dynasty palace can be found in another article "Ningguta" in this book.
